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Bitter cassava and women: an intriguing response to food security

Article (PDF Available)  · January 2002with153 Reads
Linley Chiwona-Karltun at Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences
  • 18.48
  • Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences
Linley Chiwona-Karltun, Chrissie Katundu, James Ngoma, Felistus
Chipungu, Jonathan Mkumbira, Sidney Simukoko and Janice Jiggins
Studies in Africa and South America show that cassava is
regarded as two different crops, the bitter and the sweet. Bitter
cassava provides the staple food, whereas sweet cassava is the
vegetable, the snack or the thirst quencher. All cassava contains a
certain level of toxic cyanogenic glucosides. Bitter cassava
contains higher levels of these toxins, and is toxic if not
processed.
The detoxification process involves a sequence of steps that have
to be followed in order to create a safe food product. The methods
are as variable as the desired end products, ranging from the most
effective process of soaking, fermentation and drying of the roots,
to grating, fermenting and frying, or simply drying the roots. The
final results are flour, granular grits or pieces of dried roots that
can either be stored as they are, milled/pounded into flour or
boiled separately or together with legumes or vegetables. Sweet
cassava can be eaten as it is, boiled, roasted or fried as the palate
and resources dictate.
It has been observed and documented that farmers not only prefer,
but also grow a higher proportion of bitter cassava cultivars than
sweet cultivars. This fact continues to intrigue scientists, and we
have been interested in understanding why farmers grow bitter
and toxic cassava in Malawi. Our research uses a problem-based
approach, and integrated methodologies that range from
participatory research to natural sciences and emerging advances
in biotechnology, in order to further understand the interactions
between social and biological factors in farmer decision-making.
Bitterness – a reason for cultivation
The results of our research show that bitter cassava cultivars are
highly preferred, particularly by women, because they provide
food security - locally termed as kuvikilia. Bitter cassava cultivars
provide food security in three ways:
1) the toxin deters foraging rodents and pests from feasting on the
crop;
2) the need to process the tubers directly after they are harvested
deters thieving from the field (processing is largely a women’s
domain); and
14
LEISA MAGAZINE .DECEMBER 2002
3) as the processing adds value in terms of time invested, the social
obligation of sharing cassava with your neighbours is reduced.
These three factors are of major importance to women farmers,
especially to women farmers that are, de jure or de facto, single.
The preference for bitter cassava is not a local phenomena
restricted to resource-poor farmers in Malawi. Studies in other
parts of the world confirm that bitter cassava cultivars are
preferred because they have superior end-product qualities and
because the toxin protects the crop from intruders of all kinds,
man and beast alike. “We grow bitter, toxic cassava because it
gives a certain level of food security, kuvikilia. If we are to grow
sweet cassava, look at our neighbours! Their whole field was
harvested by thieves while they slept and now they have no food.
Nobody wants to die from hunger”.
Processing - a drudgery for the poor?
Breeding for reduction or removal of the toxin has featured very
high on the research agenda for cassava. Interestingly enough, the
women that are the custodians of this crop do not perceive the
processing or the toxin to be a problem. Their major problems are
the lack of mills to reduce the drudgery of pounding, and the lack
of simple technologies that can be locally produced and
maintained, such as low cost equipment for peeling or grating the
roots. There is also a lack of infrastructure and markets, be it
local, national or regional, for their products. The toxin could
simply remain in cassava.
“Cassava is a wholesome crop, a complete crop. On top it is the
relish (the sauce), in the middle it is the planting material and at
the bottom it is the staple dish (kondowole). We do not need
fertiliser to grow it, nor do we need money to grind it at the mill,
chigawo chilera balanda” (cassava nurtures the poor).
For research to be of any use to resource poor farmers we need to
listen to the voices of the farmers themselves:
-Cassava is a hardy crop, tolerant to dry spells.
-Cassava yields something even in nutrient poor soils, a characteristic
hard to come by with any other staple crop, especially maize
-Cassava is tolerant to vermin
-Although cassava is somewhat tolerant to certain pests and diseases,
we need varieties that are even more drought tolerant, more adaptive
to poor nutrient soils
- We need more varieties that are even better than the ones we have
now, high yielding, bitter, early maturing, high dry matter content and
good storage qualities.
Give us our daily maize
One wonders if the thievery is due to the current food crisis in
Malawi. In part yes, it has been exacerbated by the food shortage.
However, the main problem stated by farmers is that they have
fooled themselves by believing that maize is their only staple
crop. When subsidies for fertiliser and seed were easily available
they neglected cassava. Now poor farmers in Malawi simply
cannot afford the inputs required to grow maize. Even more
distressing is the fact that farmers that are able to grow maize
produce barely enough to last throughout the year. To feed
themselves, many Malawians resort to casual employment or
Bitter cassava and women:
an intriguing response to food security
A devoted couple processes their cassava for drying into makaka,
for storing. Photo: Linley Chiwona-Karltun
15
ganyu. Ganyu literary means food for work, and workers are paid
either in money, or simply in food. However, this opportunity is
very limited for women.
Today it is very difficult to find cassava-planting material in areas
like Domasi, a modest trading and service centre along the
Lilongwe – Zomba road in Malawi. People are hungry; last year’s
maize harvest rotted by excessive rain and this year’s harvest is
not enough. Even their stores of dried cassava are not enough.
They are resorting to stealing fresh cassava roots (literally roots
because they are not quite mature) from the fields. In normal
times, the villagers would be out at night protecting their crops.
This year, the villages are silent. The chiefs say that there’s no
point counting the number of hungry households any more. So
many people are dead or dying from HIV/AIDS that every one
who remains is hungry. There are households where only children
remain, cared for by an elderly grandmother or a young girl.
Farmer to farmer cassava selection and multiplication
What Domasi and the hungry villagers all lack is access to stem
cuttings and above all, stem cuttings with desirable
characteristics, so that the acreage planted to desirable cassava
varieties can be increased. Interaction with the farmers, mostly
women, made us realise the need to include and involve farmers
in the selection of new cassava cultivars. Exchange visits between
farmers in different areas were arranged. In a relaxed, friendly
environment, farmers could discuss their cassava cultivars with
each other. The guidelines given for selection of the participants
were that women and men should be equally represented; that
literacy was not required but enthusiasm for and knowledge of
cassava was decisive; and that a fair representation of the Cassava
Clubs should be considered. Cassava Clubs have been established
as a result of continued collaboration between the scientists and
the farmers. Club members are usually not among the ultra poor
or chronically food short, but form a somewhat homogenous class
of poor smallholder farmers (0.2 – 0.5 hectares) who, in normal
years, are potentially short of food (see UNDP 2001 for the
classification of Malawi’s poor and ultra-poor). The project has
made a conscientious decision also to include the Village-to-
Village movement in Domasi that is supporting HIV-AIDS
affected households which fall into the ultra poor or chronically
food short category.
Selection criteria for new cultivars
The farmers, together with scientists, have established local
community multiplication fields in Domasi. Experience has
shown that not just any cultivar is selected. Our preliminary
results show:
That whether woman or man, married or unmarried, the first
question that farmers ask each other is: is it bitter or sweet?
Although farmers in Domasi have almost exclusively grown
sweet cassava, this preference is loosing importance. What
these farmers wanted was mostly bitter cassava. Why? “Look,
look at our friends, they have so much cassava still standing in
the field and all because it is bitter. If we had planted bitter
cassava as we did in the past, we would also have food to eat”.
Simply put, food security.
Secondly, the women were very interested in the starch quality
of the tubers, as this was important in the preparation of the
staple dish nsima, which is synonymous with food.
Of equal importance was the yield, time to maturity and
cooking time. These factors were equally important for both
men and women.
The men were more interested in the sweet cultivars, because
the sweet cultivars have a well-established rural and urban
market. Nevertheless, the very same men were just as
interested in the bitter cultivars for ensuring overall food
security.
In the case of the Village-to-Village community-based NGO,
all cultivars were of interest to meet the challenge of providing
planting material, as well as food to the victims of HIV/AIDS
and People Living With HIV/AIDS (PLWHA).
Most noteworthy
There was one aspect of the farmer-to-farmer selection that
deserves extra mention. Women farmers that were single, de jure
or de facto, were much more keen on selecting as many varieties
as possible in order to minimise the risk for failure - what
mattered was that they were bitter and that they were resilient
cultivars with a reasonable yield. To put it in the words of one
farmer during the exchange visit:
“We simply cannot boil away the fuel that brought us here, who
knows when we will ever have the opportunity to travel, to see the
unseen and to be hosted by other cassava farmers that have more
cultivars than I have ever seen in my entire life. Madam, I want
everything that we are allowed to take”.
The community multiplication sites are carefully tended and
guarded by the communities themselves with the aim of being
self-sufficient.The multiplication sites established by women,
especially single women, are undoubtedly in a head start position
in terms of care.
The women were less concerned about knowing the names of the
cultivars collected because they figured that with time they would
learn to select those that best suited their environments. The men
were very keen from the start to identify the new cultivars
correctly, as it is important for the fresh sweet cassava market.
It is important to point out that although Domasi was traditionally
a sweet cassava growing area before the dominance of maize, the
knowledge of cassava processing still remains. Within this project
we have made available simple processing peelers that are also
used in the district where the farmers had the exchange visit. It is
our hope that the local artisans will locally produce these peelers.
None of these community-based, women-to-women, women-to-
men and men-to-men efforts will bring back those who have
succumbed to the wrath of HIV/AIDS, but when and if they
succeed, perhaps food security will take on a smiling human face
in Domasi.
From Domasi, Malawi - the warm heart of Africa.
- Linley Chiwona-Karltun. Dept. of Plant Biology and Rural Development Studies,
Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences, Box 7080, SE-750 07, Uppsala, Sweden.
Email: Linley.karltun@vbiol.slu.se
- Chrissie Katundu.Mana Bakery, Box 66, Domasi, Malawi
- James Ngoma, Felistus Chipungu, Jonathan Mkumbira, Sidney Simukoko.
Malawi Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigiation, Malawi.
- Janice Jiggins. University of Wageningen, Wageningen, the Netherlands.
References
- Chiwona-Karltun, L. 2001. A reason to be bitter:Cassava classification from the
farmers’ perspective. Karolinska Institutet, Sweden. ISBN: 91-7349-078-4.
http://diss.kib.ki.se/2001/91-7349-078-4/
- Cock, J. H. 1985. Cassava: New potential for a neglected crop. Westview Press,
Boulder, Colorado, USA
- Fresco, L.O. 1993. The dynamics of cassava in Africa:An outline of research
issues. COSCA Working Paper No 9. Collaborative Study of Cassava in Africa.
International Institute of Tropical Agriculture, lbadan, Nigeria.
- Jones, W.O. 1959. Manioc in Africa. Stanford University Press. Stanford, USA.
- Nweke, F. I., Spencer, D. S. C., Lynam, J. K. 2001. The cassava transformation:
Africa’s best kept secret. http://msupress.msu.edu/bookTemplate.php?bookID=157
- UNDP 2001. Malawi National Human Development Report 2001.
http://www.undp.org.mw/
Other relevant material
FAO 2002. Special report: FAO/WFP crop and food supply assessment mission to
Malawi. http://www.fao.org/WAICENT/faoinfo/economic/giews/english/alertes/
2002/SRMLW502.htm#P74_11173).
LEISA MAGAZINE .DECEMBER 2002
  • ... Cassava is classified as sweet or bitter (manihot utilissimaor manihot palmate) respectively[6]. Farmers often prefer the bitter varieties because they deter pests, animals and thieves[7]. Like other tubers and roots both bitter and sweet varieties of cassava contain ant nutritional factors and toxins[8]. ...
  • ... The cyanogenic content of cassava cultivars can be as small as less than 10 mg/kg for some cultivars and can be as high as more than 500 mg/kg fresh weight basis[9]. Nonetheless, some farmers from cassava growing countries often desire the bitter varieties as they deter pests, animals, and thieves[10]. The more-toxic varieties of cassava are a fall-back resource in times of scarcity in some places[11]. ...
  • ... While many Malawian MHHs are typically advantaged compared with FHHs, in the same way as in many other developing countries, i.e., in terms of access to land and access to other resources (see e.g., Chipande 1987;Chiwona-Karltun et al. 2002;Due and Gladwin 1991;Gilbert et al. 2002; Peters Takane 2008Takane , 2009), this is not uniform. The southern and central parts of the country are dominated by ethnic groups which have historically had matrilinear inheritance traditions; this might conceivably improve FHHs' access to at least some productive assets such as land (FAO 2011;Peters 1997). ...
  • ... These adverse social developments are claimed to have necessitated the reorganization of society into ever more complex social forms, leading ultimately to the formation of the centralstate. 23 Motivated by comparing the political structures that evolved in the valleys of Peru with those in the Amazon Basin, Carneiro (1970) o §ers a variant of the conáict theory. He contends that states could not emerge in the Amazon Basin, with its ìalmost unlimited agricultural land,î because ìin Amazonia. ...
    ... .. the vanquished could áee to a new locale, subsisting there about as 22 See for example Kellyís (1995, p. 294) list of such correlates that distinguishes between simple and complex hunter-gatherer societies. 23 For leading advocates of this theory see Johnson and Earle (2000). This ìpopulation pressureî approach seems to us inconsistent with the Malthusian argument that there would (almost) always be population pressure. ...
    ... agriculture, yet their analysis appears to be perfectly consistent with our appropriability theory on the distinction between tubers and cereals and how cereal farming led to hierarchy. Chiwona Karltun et al. (2002) provide another pertinent example that illustrates how farmers may protect themselves against expropriation by choosing ine¢cient crops. They report that women in modern Malawi, and particularly single women, prefer to grow a bitter and toxic cassava variant that requires signiÖcantly more processing after harvest than the available non-toxic variant. ...
  • ... Nevertheless, farmers often prefer the bitter varieties because they deter pests, animals and thieves. Karltun et al. (2002) Cassava is sometimes spelled cassaba or cassada. Darwin and Charles (1839) In Englishlanguage publications, the plant may be occasionally called by local names, such as mandioca, aipim, or macaxeira (Brazil), yuca (El Salvador, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Colombia, Cuba, Ecuador, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, Panama, Peru, Puerto Rico, Venezuela), mandi´o (Paraguay), akpu, ege, ugburu, nto-roro or ukuduk (Nigeria), bankye (Ghana), bananku (Mali and other parts of West Africa), mogo or mihogo (Swahili-speaking Africa), pondu in (Lingala-speaking Africa), kappa (India), maniokka (Sri Lanka), singkong (Indonesia), ubi kayu (Malaysia), kamoteng kahoy or balanghoy (Philippines), mushu (China), man sampalang (Thailand), karapendalam (Telegu), củ sắn or khoai mì (Vietnam) and manioke, tapioka or manioka (Polynesia) (Gade, 2002). ...
  • ... As in Amazonia, processing of bitter manioc is often women's work in Africa as well. Karltun et al. (1998Karltun et al. ( , 2002 ) asked how African women manioc farmers themselves feel about this activity that consumes so much of their time: ''Interestingly enough, the women that are the custodians of this crop do not perceive the processing or the toxin to be a problem'' (Chiwona-Karltun et al. 2002). They found that farmers, particularly women, preferred bitter manioc, because it conferred greater food security than sweet manioc in three ways. ...
    ... As in Amazonia, processing of bitter manioc is often women's work in Africa as well. Karltun et al. (1998Karltun et al. ( , 2002 ) asked how African women manioc farmers themselves feel about this activity that consumes so much of their time: ''Interestingly enough, the women that are the custodians of this crop do not perceive the processing or the toxin to be a problem'' (Chiwona-Karltun et al. 2002). They found that farmers, particularly women, preferred bitter manioc, because it conferred greater food security than sweet manioc in three ways. ...
  • ... Acyanogenic cassava has been produced using RNAi technologies (Siritunga & Sayre 2003; Jørgensen et al. 2005) but it is unclear whether they will be as productive under field conditions, particularly in the light of the newly discovered role for cyanogenic compounds in N metabolism and transport (Jenrich et al. 2007). The preference for high cyanide varieties by the predominantly female subsistence farmers in parts of Africa also raises doubts about the acceptance of completely non-cyanide producing cultivars (Chiwona-Karltun et al. 2002). With increasing population density, declining soil fertility , expansion into marginal farmland, together with the predicted increase in extreme climatic events, reliance on robust crops such as cassava will increase. ...
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